Jordan, a Land Flowing with Syrian
Refugees
JUNE 20, 2013 12:00 AM
Jordan is hosting 560,000 Syrian refugees, their
camps marked by disorder and violence.
By Clifford D. May
Zaatari, Jordan —
The Zaatari refugee camp sprawls across the featureless, colorless desert of
northern Jordan, six miles from the border with Syria, a country torn limb from
limb by civil war. Among the camp’s 120,000 residents, the conventional
wisdom has long been the same as in Washington, D.C.: Surely, the fall of
Syrian dictator Bashar Assad is inevitable and imminent; and once that happens,
the displaced can go home. But on June 5, Hezbollah fighters from Lebanon
defeated Syrian rebel forces in the strategic city of Qusayr.
“Now, the refugees are saying, ‘The rebellion is not
succeeding, we can’t return, we will have to stay.’ Psychologically and
practically, this is a significant change.” Telling me this is Kilian
Kleinschmidt, a burly 50-year-old Berliner employed by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees. For the past three months, he has been the camp’s
senior field coordinator — the “mayor,” he half-jokes. We are sitting in
Kleinschmidt’s office, a white, metal, pre-fab “caravan.” He is an old pro who
has run refugee camps in tough corners of the world before: Kenya, Pakistan,
the Congo, and Somalia among them.
“It was better even in Mogadishu,” he says. “There,
at least, I knew who were my friends and who were my enemies. Here, it’s a
10,000-piece puzzle. This is an unhappy place. And it’s a very dangerous place.
There are some bad people here, and they are holding everyone else hostage.”
Among those bad people: thieves, vandals,
counterfeiters, rapists, drug traffickers, smugglers, youth gangs, “mafias,”
and “revolutionaries.” As to the last category, Kleinschmidt says: “I’m not yet
equipped to map out their ideologies.” But he has seen the flags of both the
Free Syrian Army and Jabhat al-Nusra, an al-Qaeda affiliate.
Most of those living here have lost family members
and property. Despite such traumas, or perhaps because of them, they are quick
to express grievances, and their protests frequently spiral into riots. “We
have a lot of violence both among the refugees and with the staff,”
Kleinschmidt says matter-of-factly. “We had six staff injured just last week. I
still have a sore throat from the tear gas.”
Jordanian policemen have been assigned to maintain
order in Zaatari. Success has eluded them. “About six weeks ago, two policemen
were killed and twelve injured,” Kleinschmidt notes. “One was dragged from his
car and hit with rocks.”
Theft is a chronic problem: of food, supplies,
electricity (spiderwebs of wires parasite power lines in some of the camp’s
“neighborhoods”), and even caravans. “They take steel fence posts and put
wheels on them, and then move the caravans,” Kleinschmidt says. “We actually
had a police station stolen — eight caravans. They simply disappeared when one
team of police had left and another had not yet arrived. Nowhere else have I
seen such things.”
Jordan is now hosting an estimated 560,000 Syrian
refugees. Those in the refugee camps drain scarce resources, water and energy
in particular. Those who have slipped into Jordan’s cities compete for jobs and
housing, and may engage in crime or pose security risks.
Jordan’s total population is only about 6.4 million;
if Zaatari were a city it would be the country’s fifth-largest. In fact, it is
increasingly taking on urban characteristics. There are now streets lined with
stalls offering everything from rotisserie chicken to ice cream to clothes to
home appliances. Kleinschmidt tells me one can also find brothels and gambling
dens.
Yet Kleinschmidt does not seem overwhelmed. On the
contrary, he is remarkably cheerful, and justifiably proud of the job he’s
doing: establishing an oasis in the desert — a troubled oasis, to be sure, but
one in which lives are being saved.
If the refugees can’t return to Syria anytime soon,
Kleinschmidt will do what he can to improve their lives here. For one, he wants
them all to live in caravans — which have windows, floors, and doors that lock
— rather than tents. For another, he wants to license what is now unregulated
commerce and prevent criminal gangs from “taxing” the merchants. He wants
to give residents some responsibility for governing themselves and securing
their “neighborhoods.” More of them also need to work, he says, and to use the
money they earn to pay for the services they receive, so they don’t become dependent
and idle, a combination that, he understands, breeds trouble.
None of this comes cheap, and the wealthy Arab
oil-exporting states of the region are not digging deeply into their pockets.
Nor are Americans and Europeans feeling enthusiastically philanthropic these
days. The U.N. has issued a $5 billion emergency appeal, the largest in its
history.
It’s anyone’s guess when the fighting in Syria will
end. President Obama has now promised to send arms to the rebels. [Not!] No one is confident such assistance will be
sufficient to alter the trajectory of the conflict. And if Assad — with robust
Iranian, Hezbollah, and Russian support — should emerge victorious, he may not
welcome the refugees back with open arms. Jordan is not the only neighbor of
Syria hosting refugees: There are at least a million more in Lebanon and
Turkey. The river is still rising. It’s likely that the situation will get
worse before it gets better; it’s not unlikely that it will get worse before it
gets worse.
–Clifford D. May is president of the
Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a policy institute focusing on national
security.
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